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Yet even by these standards, the Lebanese war saw a moral nadir forty years ago this month, when far-right Maronite militants reacted to the assassination of their leader Bashir Pierre Gemayel, by springing on and systemically butchering several thousand Palestinian civilians. Not only did this shocking brutality mark the climax of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, as it was carried out under an occupying Israeli army, but it was also the culmination of years of systemic propaganda against Palestinians, who were blamed not only for the actions of their political and military leaders but also scapegoated for the breakdown of a dysfunctional factional Lebanese political system that had been created under French colonialism.

Yet the fashionable notion that the Palestinians were to blame for stymying the Lebanese war is ludicrous when looking at Lebanese history.

So too had resultant tensions, not only between sectarian blocs but between different classes of the same sect, as younger populists increasingly began to upstage the aristocrats who had represented their sectarian community. Thus, for instance, Maronite aristocrat Suleiman Frangieh and tycoon Camille Chamoun, both of whom had held the presidency at various points, were increasingly challenged by the far-right Phalanges led by Pierre Gemayel, whose son Bashir ran a brutish militia for the party; they, in turn, maintained their own private militias.

Similar dynamics occurred in the Shia community, where the old feudal elite would be upstaged by first Amal and later the Iranian-backed Hezbollah group. Only the Druze community led by Kamal Joumblatt could be said to have its eggs in one basket, but Joumblatt fiercely attacked the status quo from a leftist angle.

The Palestinians were seen, in particular by rightwing Maronites, as a potential boost for the growing Sunni Muslim camp. Historically and religiously bound to neighbouring countries and transnational trends in the mostly Sunni countries of the region, Lebanese Sunnis had been viewed with some suspicion by the Lebanese right; in the s, for instance, they had largely backed pan-Arab trends repugnant to Lebanese nationalists. Thus they were kept under close supervision; when Palestinians protested on this count as early as , Lebanese ruler Fouad Chehab gave an answer worth quoting at length:.

Lebanon is a country of sects and we treat everyone according to this reality. If we treat you as a sect, you will dominate the others because of your large numbers, your concentration in the same places and your passion for politics…The Palestinian problem is bigger than Lebanon. For Lebanon will either repress the Palestinians or be repressed by them — and no third solution exists. By the same token, underrepresented communities in Lebanon saw the Palestinians as either an aspiration or an ally; these included leftists — whether communists, Baathists, or politically nimble adventurers like the Joumblatts — and Muslims at large.

In order to circumvent this, the Lebanese army stealthily lent support to rightwing Maronite militias, most of whom inveighed against the Palestinians. In turn, the Palestinian Liberation Organization — in spite of official neutrality and regular contacts across the Lebanese political and religious arena — drew closer to the camp led by Joumblatt, a loose coalition of Muslims and leftists upset with the status quo.